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Wolfgang Tillmans 

DonChristian at Boffo Fire Island Performance Festival last Saturday. video Anders Clausen. -- DonChristian released his debut album 'Where there's smoke' last month. It's outstanding. Please check it out on the usual channels (spelt as one word) Read an interview here http://www.papermag.com/donchristian-2589902893.html

This is the intro to the interview:

When Philadelphia native-turned-New Yorker DonChristian Jones released his new album, Where There's Smoke, early July, there was an explosion of news around the country's immigration crisis, and people were becoming more willing to examine America's genocidal history. Not long after that, Sacha Baron Cohen was "punking" the nation's most problematic Republicans by getting them to say exactly what they believed. And just this week, we've learned of the hate-motivated murder of Nia Wilson by a white supremacist. But, as Donald Glover reminded us, This is America. Enter Jones, a 28-year-old who sees the ways of the world and makes genre-defying hip-hop that affirms his place in it and uplifts the voices of people who are often marginalized.
For his music, Jones draws from his own life story and the intersectional lived experiences of Black, queer, and trans people, inspired by bossa nova, jazz and artists ranging from Aphex Twin to Animal Collective. Jones' latest LP is about emotional intimacy, but it also shows that he's a powerful example of what effective LGBTQ allyship can look like — highlighting the voices of trans women like artists Chae Buttuh and Ms. Boogie, rather than shouting over or sidelining. Also an adept visual artist with a painting degree from Wesleyan University, who has shown and performed in esteemed NYC spaces like The Whitney Museum, MoMA Ps1, and Webster Hall, Jones takes a hands-on approach to his work as an activist. Most recently, he worked with youth inmates at Rikers Island to paint a series of murals. (You can find one such recent mural, below). Read on as the multidisciplinary artist shares insight with PAPER about his new album's world-weary musings, why Pose is revolutionary television, Azealia Banks' musical ingenuity, and the beauty ...#donchristian

Thank you Faris Al-Shathir and BOFFO for organising last weekend's BOFFO Fire Island Performance Festival. I didn't take photos Saturday night. Anyone who took some and is willing to share, please sendas many as you like to music@tillmans.co.uk for archive. Should we want to use them in the future we will get in touch for permission and correct credit.
Here some insta regrams of the night: Fragile, Martine, TM Davy and DonChristian. Plus all night beats by Michael Magnan.Check out DonChristian's brilliant new album 'Where There's Smoke'. #boffofireislandperformancefestival big thanks also to Rebecxa Huston and Morgan Rehbock

press release quote: Crack Magazine and Sonos present Berlin: Then & Now, a podcast series exploring the city’s rich musical past, present and future through the gaze of two unique artists from different generations.
In this episode, Wolfgang Tillmans sits down for a conversation with Luz Diaz, the founder of Room 4 Resistance, a Berlin–based queer femme and non–binary collective focused on building communities and creating safety and visibility for marginalised voices in dance music.

In this podcast, they discuss the magic of dark rooms, shared values on inclusion and visibility for marginalised people, and why Berlin’s club culture must stay political.

Listen here: https://crackm.ag/2vej43Y
Photo : Duncan Harrison

PART 7: Tillmans: People like my parents who lived through the war and the immediate postwar period felt a deep-seated certainty that nationalism cannot be a way forward. This basic conviction is now open to doubt. Counteracting this development with an emotional campaign isn’t so easy. Campaigns appealing to fear and resentments are the specialty of the right, now as in the past. In the 1920s, the Nazis didn’t advertise their plan to murder six million Jews. They fanned anti-Jewish resentments, just as today’s right fans resentments against refugees and Muslims. That’s why I don’t find the comparison to what happened then as far-fetched as many say. For this tactic to work, the right needs to succeed in simulating a constant crisis, a constant state of emergency. It’s how they poison the atmosphere every day, insidiously warping people’s perceptions.
ZEIT ONLINE: Which brings us back to questions of communication and media representation.

Tillmans: Yes. The choice of priorities that implicitly governs news coverage has a crucial influence on the social climate. I don’t think it’s right that talk shows like Anne Will’s or Mr. Hart aber fair’s constantly hash and rehash right-wing themes. That’s something the people who plan these shows are directly and personally to blame for. Local councils sabotaging the upgrade of the nation’s power grid, the fact that the fixation on the automobile industry has made the country extremely vulnerable: these are Germany’s real problems. I think those television editors should be personally held responsible for ignoring 87 percent of the electorate and perpetually giving priority to the racist and nationalist concerns of the other 13 percent.
English Translation by Gerrit Jackson #zeitonline #europeanelections #europeanelections2019 #brexit #protecteuropeagainstnationalism #neveragain #nationalism #readfromthetop #partone #trump #enemyofthepeople

PART 6: These are all challenges for which solutions must be found within the EU—but that’s no reason to call the EU as a whole in question.

ZEIT ONLINE: Do you think that the cultural elites have lived in a bit of a bubble and that that has contributed to the rise of right-wing parties?

Tillmans: The AfD is certainly not a party for those left behind by society, as many observers claim. If anything, it’s a party for West German lawyers. When people feel left behind, that’s not because refugees have arrived in the country and actually taken anything away from them. The arrogance of the business community in the past twenty years, for example, is a genuine problem. Take the signals that Deutsche Bank has been sending, this attitude of not wanting low- and middle-income customers anymore. That’s not just a business strategy. And it’s the kind of thing that fuels a wider sense of insecurity. Better and better services for premium clients, worse and worse service for average citizens, that’s been the capitalist tendency of the past twenty years. The constant visibility of the lives of the privileged few fills those who have no share in it with the feeling that they have no rights. If you’re a run-of-the-mill mobile service customer and you call your provider’s service hotline, you get treated less well than ten years ago. Privatized hospitals must be profitable, but the only way for them to turn a profit is by providing inferior health care. The federal budget must be balanced while municipalities can’t afford to renovate crumbling school buildings or to keep the public pool open. Does that have anything to do with the facts that women have won equal rights and that we shelter refugees from the war in Syria? No—political correctness is simply that: correct. It’s insane to tie these things together.

ZEIT ONLINE: Your anti-Brexit posters primarily offered rational arguments. But you also tried to strike a note of pro-European pathos. What is lost is lost forever, one poster read that went on to describe the EU as “the largest peace project in human history.” Do such emotional messages in defense of Europe even still get through to people?

Tillmans: People like my

PART 5: One of our biggest problems is that many people still cringe at the idea of becoming actively involved in politics.

ZEIT ONLINE: You mean people in the world of art and culture?

Tillmans: Yes, although I don’t think that artists are under a greater obligation than others. I don’t know what it was like fifty or a hundred years ago, but nowadays it appears that many people with liberal views feel queasy about publicly stating their political views.

ZEIT ONLINE: Taking a stand for the status quo is not exactly hip. There’s nothing provocative or avant-garde about championing the preservation of the EU, is there?

Tillmans: Many people, it seems, are just not comfortable speaking the language of politics. But those on the other side, the ones with extreme views, are also extremely driven and single-mindedly focused on pushing their cause. There’s an asymmetry of mobilization that’s difficult to overcome. Until recently, many people thought the EU was unbreakable anyway, no matter how hard its adversaries laid into it. 2016 taught us that that that’s not so.

ZEIT ONLINE: The EU also has its fair share of left-wing critics, who argue that it’s a neoliberal project and makes a politics of solidarity impossible—and that leaving the EU in its current form behind might be the better choice in a leftist perspective as well.

Tillmans: The EU’s push toward market liberalization has had its downsides. For example, it has enabled major corporations to dodge their taxes. But there’s one thing people need to realize: the things that are not good about the EU can be changed. Democratic structures can change under pressure from citizens. Dictatorships or authoritarian systems no longer allow for such change. I think that the German parties, with the exception of the Free Democratic Party (FDP) and the AfD, have generally come to understand that further market liberalization can’t be the way forward, that the EU can’t be a construction that facilitates corporate tax evasion or the socialization of losses, that competition within the EU must not result in lower social standards for everyone. These are all challenges for which solutions must be found within the EU—but th

PART 4 :
Right now, we already have between 20 and 30 percent of MPs who hold anti-European views. In the next parliament, nationalists and enemies of the EU, with active support from the Trump–Putin spectrum, will do everything to try and destroy the EU from the inside.

ZEIT ONLINE: What might a pro-EU campaign focus on? Is disseminating factual messages enough, or will you need to speak to people’s emotions?

Tillmans: Many communications experts claim that people are no longer interested in facts. I refuse to believe that. First and foremost, we’ll ask people to go and vote. Increasing turnout by a mere five percentage points would be an enormous success. Two, we want to disseminate facts about the EU. There are absolutely groundbreaking achievements that wouldn’t have happened without the EU, and the fact that these are benefits of EU membership needs to be communicated. It’s absurd, for example, when Vodafone gets to claim that the elimination of roaming fees was a service to its clients. It was the EU that made them do that. The EU is the only actor in today’s world who tries to raise global social standards by way of commercial treaties. That’s why authoritarian rulers have identified it as adversary number one. Putin and Trump know that the EU is the only player with any real power in world politics to insist on human-rights clauses in international agreements.
Asymmetric mobilization
ZEIT ONLINE: Your campaign before the 2017 German federal election likewise aimed to increase voter turnout. You wanted to mobilize people who wouldn’t vote for the AfD. Critics argued that a campaign like yours might make people who are attracted to right-wing ideas feel like they were being ostracized and take a now-more-than-ever attitude.

Tillmans: My campaign addressed people who wouldn’t vote for the right. I wanted to mobilize this demographic, which is still the overwhelming majority. I think that the center still hasn’t quite grasped the magnitude of this upheaval. And to reply to the criticism you’ve mentioned: you can’t take the possibility that what you’re doing might be misunderstood in some way as a reason for doing nothing at all. One of our biggest

PART 3 of INTERVIEW WITH ZEITINLINE.DE: The claim that the EU is mostly preoccupied with things like the curvature of cucumbers, that’s the sort of myth that Boris Johnson fabricated as the Daily Telegraph’s Brussels correspondent. The EU never fought back against these lies.

ZEIT ONLINE: It’s generally considered taboo in Europe for politicians to meddle in the national affairs of other countries. The Eurozone crisis was perhaps the first major exception. Before the Brexit referendum, Angela Merkel and Jean-Claude Juncker studiously avoided doing anything that might have been interpreted as an attempt to influence British voters.

Tillmans: The EU isn’t allowed to promote itself as an institution. That’s a rule it has always strictly abided by. In retrospect, it’s fair to say that too much restraint is a mistake. The people who intend to break the EU don’t keep to any rules either. The Brexiteers accepted illegal donations from abroad. Right-wing parties such as the Front National have financial ties to Russia. Until recently, the liberal forces in Europe didn’t even realize how much momentum and determination are propelling the right-wing movements around the world. Still, there are encouraging signs: during the campaign leading up to the Irish referendum on women’s rights, the reactionary camp spent ten million dollars in donations from the U.S., while the progressive side raised a mere half a million through crowdfunding—and still won.

ZEIT ONLINE: Have attitudes in the EU changed?

Tillmans: A great deal changed in 2016. Even Brussels and Strasbourg have woken up to the fact that everything is at stake and that it’s high time to counter the falsehoods. One thing our campaign will focus on will be turnout for the European election in May 2019. Voter participation in European elections has continually gone down since 1979. Many Europeans think that these elections don’t matter because the European Parliament is powerless anyway. But that’s not true. The European Parliament has become a key power center; it can intervene when things are going awry in the EU, but it can also stand in the way of progress. Right now, we already have between 20 and 30 percent of

With few resources, I and my fellow campaigners found ways to speak about the EU in positive terms, although our efforts were not enough to avert Brexit. Since then, Germany has emerged as a battlefield in the struggle over who gets to define the terms of the discourse about this new world. Things can suddenly be said that were rightly considered beyond the pale for decades. Nationalism is becoming acceptable, even in parties that had been arguably moderate for a long time. All of this is happening without the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) losing even a single percentage point in the polls.

ZEIT ONLINE: With the architects Rem Koolhaas and Stephan Petermann, you organized a symposium on the question of how to “rebrand” Europe that took place in Amsterdam in late May. Doesn’t the European Union have more serious problems than how to improve its public image?

Tillmans: The primary purpose of our meeting was to collect ideas, to brainstorm about how to address the EU’s deficient communication with the public and make improvements, but without being simplistic about the problems. “Rebranding” was the word the organizers of the festival that invited us used. Needless to say, our goal can’t be to design a happy-clappy new flag or come up with a catchphrase for the EU. We want to understand the many and complex challenges the EU faces and inquire into how to defend what we believe to be vital and worthy of being preserved.

ZEIT ONLINE: Right now, it seems that fundamental disagreements between national governments are the greatest threat to the EU’s integrity.

Tillmans: Yes, the EU has serious problems, but it is above all an enormous success story. If you look at the dynamic of the past twenty years, you’ll see that a major source of difficulties has been that national politicians always tout the benefits of EU membership as their personal achievements while trying to blame all complications, all the inevitable compromises, on the allegedly intractable machine called Brussels. So if the EU doesn’t communicate its work successfully, that does have political implications. The claim that the EU is mostly preoccupied with

Last month I gave an interview to German Zeit Online. Here is a translation of it into English by Gerrit Jackson:
“Many People Cringe at the Idea of Becoming Actively Involved in Politics”
The center needs to mobilize, Wolfgang Tillmans says, or the right will win. The artist is looking for allies across Europe to make the case for the EU.
Interview: Tobias Haberkorn | July 4, 2018, 4:05 pm
Wolfgang Tillmans was born in Remscheid in 1968. In the early 1990s, he moved to London, where he built a career as a leading artist of his generation. In 2016, he created anti-Brexit posters, and now he is looking to enlist other artists and creative thinkers to launch a pro-EU campaign.
ZEIT ONLINE: Mr. Tillmans, you’ve spent half your life in Great Britain and half in Germany. Many of your works are about life in a post-national, globalizing world. You became actively involved in politics in 2016. Why?

Wolfgang Tillmans: Because I saw that no one in Great Britain was willing to talk about the EU in positive terms. I suddenly thought that the liberal social model, which many people had fought hard for, was in danger. The process of European unification has given me so much, be it peace, be it the opportunity to be and express who I am. Society and politics have changed for the better in so many ways in the past fifty years; for example, I can live freely as a gay man. I couldn’t just sit back and watch the institutions of the free world that made this progress possible be dismantled.

ZEIT ONLINE: You’re referring to a liberal social and political model represented by the European Union, among other institutions. Where is the danger coming from?

Tillmans: We’re witnessing a frontal assault on the values of the Western World. An anti-modern movement has formed, led by ostensibly strong men like Putin, Erdoğan, Trump, or Orbán. They seek to replace the politics of negotiation and compromise with the laws of masculinity, of the strongest. I became aware of the significance of this assault in the spring of 2016. So I decided right away to launch an anti-Brexit campaign. With few resources, I and my fellow campaigners found ways to speak about the EU in posit

In case you're around New York next weekend consider visiting Fire Island Pines for BOFFO fire Island Performance Festival. Trains to Sayville from Penn Station, bus transfer and ferry to Pines. 2hrs. #boffo #boffofireislandperformancefestival #fragile #michaelmagnan #donchristian martine TMDavy #kylecombs #juanpabloecheverri #timknapp #jaypluck #tomroach #fireislandpines

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